Bristol’s Strip Club Closures Hurt more Women than They Help
Abbie Warner / April 20 / Sex Work
Despite its reputation as a liberal city, Bristol councillors have recently voted in favour of the closure of the city’s two strip clubs – Urban Tiger and Central Chambers. While nationally these venues are legal, individual councils have the ability to grant licences. So, Bristol’s adoption of a ‘no cap’ policy effectively criminalises strip clubs in the city. This decision has been hailed by leading female rights groups including ‘Not Buying It’, however, I shall explain why this policy is actually distinctly anti-feminist; banning sex work, even in the name of feminism, puts the most socially and economically excluded women (working class women and women of colour) at even greater risk.
Nevertheless, it does seem appropriate to begin with the arguments which support Bristol’s new ‘no cap’ policy, especially since the arguments do seem somewhat convincing - at least on the surface. The general argument goes that the objectification of women which occurs in strip clubs translates into sexism and misogyny in wider society which, in turn, causes cases of sexual assault to skyrocket.
These ideas are based on a few reasonable observations about strip clubs and other kinds of sex work. Firstly, the industry is gendered; while obviously not always the case, clients do tend to be rich men and workers are usually women. Since most (but by no means all) dancers in strip clubs would opt for other lines of well-paid work given the opportunity, these women tend to be working class women and women of colour – precisely those women who are systematically excluded from higher income, more stable jobs.
Additionally, feminists who advocate for the criminalisation of strip clubs and sex work more broadly cite the extensive sexual violence that occurs within the industry and claim that the law does little to protect women from this. Even the book Revolting Prostitutes, which presents arguments in favour of decriminalisation of prostitution recognises this horrific and undeniable feature of any sex work.
So, what’s anti-feminist about suggesting that women are not commodities for male consumption? And shouldn’t such an industry that perpetuates misogynistic behaviours and ideas be outlawed?
Well, the answer is simple – even if someone believes that sexual entertainment venues are intrinsically harmful to women, the criminalisation of such venues is just bad policy. Why? Because it is simply fantasy to suggest that outlawing such an industry will lead to its eradication.
Sexual entertainment venues have existed across the globe for centuries, whether legal or not. There is no feature of Bristol strong enough to argue that it could buck this trend. All that criminalisation of strip clubs would do is present a squeaky-clean city centre, plagued with an underground industry that is far more exploitative than it is currently due to strict regulation. Sweeping statements were given by Bristol councillors that there is little evidence to suggest that illegal strip clubs will open do little to ease such concerns since this could easily be attributed to the idea that authorities will not find what they don’t look for. So, while there will not be two large strip clubs in Bristol city centre under the no cap policy, the criminalisation of these venues just will not prevent others springing up elsewhere.
As with any argument, it is important to consider the opinions of the experts. And by experts I do not mean a white man with a PHD, but rather, those who know the most about this issue – those who work in the sexual entertainment industry. When the time is taken to listen to the opinions of those at the heart of this policy, it sounds like a record stuck on repeat; there seems to be an almost total harmonious plea not to criminalise strip clubs or any other avenue of sex work in fear of what it will mean for the safety of those within the industry.
When reading Revolting Prostitutes, I was reminded of the poignant argument that the criminalisation of strip clubs will only lead to further exploitation and abuse of working-class women of colour because throughout history it is precisely these very marginalised groups who suffer the fallout of a heavy-handed government and strict law enforcement. It is precisely these marginalised women that feminists should be seeking to protect rather than exclude from their movement.
So, despite noble intentions, the criminalisation of strip clubs does not protect women. Instead, it puts those women who rely on sex work to support themselves and their loved ones at much greater risk of sexual violence. It is difficult to imagine that criminalising sexual entertainment venues, which forces sexual violence underground, would have any positive impact on advancing the equality of women in the way all feminists desire.
The question often posed is whether or not you would want your daughter doing it? Think instead, in a world where it is inevitable, if your daughter found herself in a position where she felt she must, would you want her protected or criminalised by the state?